Which statement about the practice of medicine during the seventeenth century is true?

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Footnotes

This research was completed with the support of Wellcome Trust Grant WT100278MA. I am very grateful to Margaret Carlyle, Margaret Pelling, Jim Secord, Bernardo Zacka, and the editors of this special issue, Elaine Leong and Alisha Rankin, for their help in revising this article. My sincere thanks also go to the participants of the Testing Drugs, Trying Cures Workshop held at the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin, in June 2014, and especially to Michael McVaugh, Katy Park, and Cesare Pastorino, for their constructive comments on an earlier draft of this article.

1. Bridging the histories of science, medicine, and art technology, the literature is extensive. See Pamela H. Smith, The Body of the Artisan: Art and Experience in the Scientific Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), and references below.

2. David Gentilcore, Medical Charlatanism in Early Modern Italy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); Alisha Rankin, Panaceia's Daughters: Noblewomen as Healers in Early Modern Germany (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013).

3. Spike Bucklow, "Impossible Recipes," in Sources and Serendipity, ed. Erma Hermens and Joyce H. Townsend (London: Archetype, 2009), 18–22; Pamela H. Smith, "What Is a Secret? Secrets and Craft Knowledge in Early Modern Europe," in Secrets and Knowledge in Medicine and Science, 1500–1800, ed. Elaine Leong and Alisha Rankin (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2011), 47–66.

4. See Katharine Park, Doctors and Medicine in Early Renaissance Florence (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), chaps. 1–2.

5. William Eamon, "Pharmaceutical Self-Fashioning or How to Get Rich and Famous in the Renaissance Medical Marketplace," Pharm. Hist. 45, no. 3 (2003): 122–29; Gentilcore, Medical Charlatanism (n. 2), 209–26.

6. James Shaw and Evelyn Welch, Making and Marketing Medicine in Renaissance Florence (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2011); Valentina Pugliano, "Botanical Artisans: Apothecaries and the Study of Nature in Venice and London, 1550–1610" (D.Phil. diss., Oxford University, 2012); on pharmacy's corporate nature, see Patrick Wallis, "Medicines for London: The Trade, Regulation and Lifecycle of London Apothecaries, c.1610-c.1670" (D.Phil. diss., Oxford University, 2002), chap. 2; for the wider context, see Jean-Pierre Benezet, Pharmacie et médicament en Méditerranée occidentale (XIIIe-XVIe siècles) (Paris: Honoré Champion, 1999).

7. Ursula Klein and E. C. Spary, Materials and Expertise in Early Modern Europe: Between Market and Laboratory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010); Alisha Rankin, "Becoming an Expert Practitioner: Court Experimentalism and the Medical Skills of Anna of Saxony (1532–1585)," Isis 98, no. 1 (2007): 23–53; Ursula Klein, "The Laboratory Challenge: Some Revisions of the Standard View of Early Modern Experimentation," Isis 99, no. 4 (2008): 769–82.

8. Ursula Klein and E. C. Spary, "Introduction," in Klein and Spary, Materials and Expertise (n. 7), 1–23, quotation on 10.

9. See Harold J. Cook, "The History of Medicine and the Scientific Revolution," Isis 102, no. 1 (2011): 102–8. The warning to treat medical history on its own terms has been articulated more frequently by scholars of modern medicine, partly because of increasing commonalities in research methodology between clinical medicine and laboratory sciences. John H. Warner, "The History of Science and the Sciences of Medicine," Osiris 10 (1995): 164–93; Ilana Löwy, "Historiography of Biomedicine: 'Bio,' 'Medicine,' and in Between," Isis 102, no. 1 (2011): 116–22.

10. Nancy G. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine: An Introduction to Knowledge and Practice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990).

11. Charles B. Schmitt, "Esperienza ed esperimento: un confronto tra Zabarella e il giovane Galileo," in Filosofia e scienza nel Rinascimento (Milan: La Nuova Italia, 2001), 25–64.

12. Pugliano, "Botanical Artisans" (n. 6), chap. 3.

13. Brian Ogilvie, The Science of Describing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006).

14. Jutta Schickore, "Trying Again and Again: Multiple Repetitions in Early Modern Reports of Experiments on Snake Bites," Early Sci. Med. 15 (2010): 567–617.

15. For example, experiences on the resistance to fire of asbestos made the rounds of Italian pharmacies, including those of Francesco Calzolari in Verona and Ferrante Imperato in Naples. See Paula Findlen, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 194–240; Pugliano, "Botanical Artisans" (n. 6), chap. 4

16. Elaine Leong and I arrived independently at a cognate use of the concept of "tweaking." Leong uses the term to emphasize the open-ended nature of the recipes collected by lay households. For Leong, tweaking denotes the process whereby a recipe can be modified and reinvented each time it moves from one person to another (personal communication). In what follows, I offer a compatible but distinct definition of the practice of tweaking, one less open-ended and in use in a professional setting.

17. Girolamo Calestani, Delle osservationi nel comporre gli antidoti e medicamenti (Venice: Francesco Senese, 1562); Prospero Borgarucci, La fabrica degli spetiali (Venice: Vincenzo Valgrisi, 1566); Giorgio Melichio, Avvertimenti nelle compositioni per uso della spetiaria (Venice: Giovanni and Andrea Zenaro, 1575); Filippo Costa, Discorsi sopra le compositioni degli antidoti & medicamenti (Mantua: Giacomo Rufinelli, 1576). The main surviving forms of trade records—probate shop inventories and account books—shed only limited light on the nature and agenda of workshop practice. Similarly, most of the correspondence by sixteenth-century apothecaries known to date concerns natural history and generally glosses over trade matters (Pugliano, "Botanical Artisans" [n. 6]).

18. Sabrina Minuzzi, "Sul filo dei segreti medicinali: praticanti e professionisti del mercato della cura a Venezia (secoli XVI-XVIII)" (Ph.D. diss., University of Verona, 2012), 163.

19. Giuseppe Santini, Ricettario medicinale (Venice, 1604); Salvatore Francioni, De discorsi ne quali s'insegna l'Arte della spezieria (Palermo, 1625). See the Online Appendix: http://muse.jhu.edu/resolve/19.

20. This correlation between writing and professionalization can be observed for institutional pharmacy across Southern Europe (Benezet, Pharmacie [n. 6], 116–21). On the wider flourishing of technical literature by fifteenthand sixteenth-century craftsmen, see Pamela O. Long, Openness, Secrecy, Authorship: Technical Arts and the Culture of Knowledge from Antiquity to the Renaissance (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001).

21. Enrico Cingolani and Leonardo Colapinto, Dagli antidotari alle moderne farmacopee (Rome: Di Renzo Editore, 2000); A. Corradi, Le prime farmacopee italiane ed in particolare dei ricettari fiorentini (Milan: Rechiedei, 1887); Jerry Stannard, Herbs and Herbalism in the Middle Ages and Renaissance (Aldershot: Ashgate Variorum, 1999).

22. Conversely, the selection excluded those remedies "appearing in Galen, Avicenna, Mesue and other ancient and modern authors … that have lost not only their usage but almost their very name among Apothecaries and Physicians" (Costa [n. 17], 23r-v).

23. Melichio (n. 17), 35v.

25. Costa (n. 17), 34v.

26. Borgarucci (n. 17), 559.

27. Melichio (n. 17), 18r.

28. Richard Sennett, The Craftsman (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2008), 179–93.

29. Costa (n. 17), 23v.

30. See Ogilvie, Science of Describing (n. 13); Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine (n. 10).

31. On pharmacy's medieval authorities, see Paula De Vos, "The 'Prince of Medicine': Yühanna ibn Masawayh and the Foundations of the Western Medical Tradition," Isis 104, no. 4 (2013): 667–712.

32. Calestani (n. 17), 261–62.

33. Costa (n. 17), 9v. The new pharmacopoeias—Borgarucci lamented—were themselves victims of the shoddy work of "little-alert printers, who, sometimes against their authors' very teaching and their proofreaders' excellent expertise, let such … important mistakes pass, which then cannot be remedied" (Borgarucci [n. 17], 441).

34. Calestani (n. 17), 125–26.

35. On workshop judgment, see Smith, "What Is a Secret?" (n. 3), 64–65; Stephan R. Epstein, "Transferring Technical Knowledge and Innovating in Europe, c. 1200–1800" (LSE Working Papers 2005).

36. Pamela H. Smith, "Making Things: Techniques and Books in Early Modern Europe," in Early Modern Things: Objects and Their Histories, 1500–1800, ed. Paula Findlen (London: Routledge, 2013), 173–203, quotation on 192; Sennett, Craftsman (n. 28), 214–38.

37. Also Jennifer M. Rampling, "Transmuting Sericon: Alchemy as Practical Hexegesis in Early Modern England," Osiris 29, no. 1 (2014): 19–34.

38. Paul O. Kristeller, Renaissance Thought II: Papers on Humanism and the Arts (New York: Harper, 1965).

39. Costa (n. 17), 51r; Borgarucci (n. 17), 348.

40. Calestani (n. 17), Preface.

41. Absent in medieval experimenta literature, probably because of its association with high-status classical texts, the scholion resurfaced in sixteenth-century medical writing. Gianna Pomata, "Observation Rising: Birth of an Epistemic Genre, 1500–1650," in Histories of Scientific Observation, ed. Lorraine Daston and Elizabeth Lunbeck (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), 45–80.

42. The main exception was Florence's civic pharmacopoeia, the RicettarioFiorentino, whose first edition was printed in 1498. See the Online Appendix: http://muse.jhu.edu/resolve/19.

43. Fra Donato d'Eremita, Antidotarlo … intorno … [ajll'elegere, preparare, componere e conservare i medicamenti semplici e composti (Naples, 1639), 132.

44. Minuzzi, "Sul filo" (n. 18), 45–46.

45. See Cristina Bellorini, The World of Plants in Renaissance Tuscany: Medicine and Botany (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2016), 156–57.

46. The inventorial corpus of Italian pharmacies needs further study. Generally, individual book titles are rarely given before the seventeenth century. For some examples: Archivio di Stato, Venice (ASVe), Giudici di Petizion, Inventari, b. 340/5, n. 61 (Fabricio Foresto, 1592); Minuzzi, "Sul filo" (n. 18), 137–39; Federica Dallasta, Eredità di carta. Bibliotecheprivate e circolazione libraria nella Parma farnesiana (1545–1731) (Milan: Franco Angeli, 2010), 244–48, 272.

47. They are consistently consulted, for example, by the Neapolitan apothecary and doctor Girolamo Donzelli, who authored both the official Antidotario Napoletano (1642) and the best-selling Teatro farmaceutico, dogmatico e spagirico (1675), e.g., 48 (Sciroppo di cicoria), 162 (Diagalanga di Mesuè), 276 (Trifera persica).

48. See Costa (n. 17), 23v, 34v, 51r.

49. Stephan R. Epstein, "Craft, Guilds, Apprenticeship, and Technological Change in Preindustrial Europe," J. Econ. Hist. 58, no. 3 (1998): 684–711, 701.

50. Melichio (n. 17), 120v.

51. Calestani (n. 17), 121.

52. Michael R. McVaugh, ed., Arnaldi De Villanova Opera medica omnia, II (Granada and Barcelona: Tobella, 1975), 3–30.

53. Epstein, "Craft, Guilds" (n. 49); Wallis, "Medicines for London" (n. 6).

54. Melichio (n. 17), 35v; Calestani (n. 17), 6, 98, 265.

55. Richard Palmer, "Pharmacy in the Republic of Venice in the Sixteenth Century," in The Medical Renaissance of the Sixteenth Century, ed. Andrew Wear, Roger K. French, and Iain M. Lonie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 100–117; Wallis, "Medicines for London" (n. 6), chap. 4.

56. Costa (n. 17), 9r.

57. Melichio (n. 17), 21r. Costa also warns against "departing from the intention of the Authors" (Costa [n. 17], 23v).

58. Melichio (n. 17), 19r.

59. Michael R. McVaugh, "The 'Experience-Based Medicine' of the Thirteenth Century," Early Sci. Med. 14 (2009): 105–30; De Vos, "Prince of Medicine" (n. 31), 687–88.

60. For a critique of the "futurology" pervading modern public and academic thought on science and technology, see David Edgerton, The Shock of the Old: Technology and Global History since 1900 (London: Profile, 2006).

61. Klein and Spary, Materials and Expertise (n. 7), 13; Lissa Roberts, Simon Schaffer, and Peter Dear, eds., The Mindful Hand: Inquiry and Invention from the Late Renaissance to Early Industrialization (Amsterdam: Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, 2007).

62. This tension has affected the relationship between history of science and medicine. See Cook, "History of Medicine" (n. 9).

63. Palmer, "Pharmacy" (n. 55); Corradi, Le prime farmacopee (n. 21).

64. Epstein, "Craft, Guilds" (n. 49), 699–701. Useful in this context is also the revisionist model of "collective invention," which economic historians now accept as driving key technological transformations behind European industrialization in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: invention resulted not from a single individual but from competing firms improving upon a shared technological layout by disclosing technical information and incorporating each other's gradual innovations into new designs. See Robert C. Allen, "Collective Invention," J. Econ. Behav. Org., 4 (1983): 1–24; Alessandro Nuvolari, "Collective Invention during the British Industrial Revolution: The Case of the Cornish Pumping Engine," Cambridge J. Econ. 28, no. 3 (2004): 347–63.

65. See Christelle Rabier, "Introduction: The Crafting of Medicine in the Early Industrial Age," Tech. Cult. 54, no. 3 (2013): 437–59; J.-P. Gaudillière, "Introduction: Drug Trajectories," Stud. Hist. Philos. Biol. Biomed. Sci. 36 (2005): 603–11.

66. Indeed, systematic attempts at innovation in institutional pharmacy seem to coincide with the affirmation of chemical remedies in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. See Ursula Klein, "Blending Technical Innovation and Learned Natural Knowledge: The Making of Ethers," in Klein and Spary, Materials and Expertise (n. 7), 125–57; Valentina Pugliano, "The Simple Alchemy of Renaissance Apothecaries," in The Physician's Stone: Alchemy and Medicine from Antiquity to the Enlightenment, ed. Jennifer M. Rampling and Peter M. Jones (London: Routledge, forthcoming). For the rhetoric of innovation in alchemy, William R. Newman, Promethean Ambitions: Alchemy and the Quest to Perfect Nature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004).

67. On contemporary historiography of technology's obfuscating tendency to conflate novelty and progress, see David Edgerton, "Innovation, Technology, or History: What is the Historiography of Technology About?," Tech. & Cult. 51/3 (2010): 680–97.

68. Borgarucci (n. 17), 678.

69. Chiara Crisciani, "History, Novelty and Progress in Scholastic Medicine," Osiris 6 (1990): 118–39, quotation on 118; Michael R. McVaugh, "The Nature and Limits of Medical Certitude at Early Fourteenth-Century Montpellier," Osiris 6 (1990): 62–84.

70. American drugs are sparsely represented in sixteenth-century pharmacopoeias. Bellorini, World of Plants (n. 45), 129–53.

71. Ibid., 145.

72. For the physicians' mixed reactions to novel drugs, see Alisha Rankin, "Empirics, Physicians, and Wonder Drugs in Early Modern Germany: The Case of the Panacea Anwaldina," Early Sci. Med. 14 (2009): 680–710. For a physician's endorsement of employing customary medicaments, see Nancy Siraisi, "Theory, Experience and Customary Practice in the Medical Writings of Francisco Sanches," in Between Text and Patient: The Medical Enterprise in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. F. E. Glaze and B. K. Nance (Florence: Sismel, 2011), 441–63, 462.

73. The exception were secrets for plague remedies, most of which, for example in sixteenth-century Venice, were submitted for approval by collegiate physicians and surgeons. Minuzzi, "Sul filo" (n. 18), chaps. 1, 3.

74. Gentilcore, Medical Charlatanism (n. 2), 118–49; Jane Stevens-Crawshaw, Plague Hospitals: Public Health for the City in Early Modern Venice (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012), 151–82.

75. Gentilcore, Medical Charlatanism (n. 2), 119.

76. Minuzzi, "Sul filo" (n. 18), chaps. 1–3, esp. 30–34.

77. On "intraand inter-guild conflict" driving technological innovation in premodern crafts, see Francesca Trivellato, "Guilds, Technology and Economic Change in Early Modern Venice," in Guilds, Innovation and the European Economy 1400–1800, ed. Stephan R. Epstein (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 199–231, 217.

78. See note 76.

79. Biblioteca Marucelliana, Florence, MS C.145, "Libro di diversi et vari secreti di Stephano di maestro Romulo Rosselli et sua discendenti"; Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence, MS Antinori 151, "Zibaldone." The third volume is reprinted in Rodrigo de Zayas, ed., Stefano Rosselli. Mes secrets: A Florence au temps des Médicis, 1593: patisserie, perfumerie, medicine (Paris: J.-M. Place, 1996).

80. Elaine Leong, "Making Medicines in the Early Modern Household," Bull. Hist. Med. 82, no. 1 (2008): 145–68.

81. Zayas, Stefano Rosselli (n. 79), 187 (Ch. xxxi), 193 (Ch. xxxxi).

82. Also see Smith, "Making Things" (n. 36), 175.

83. Archivio di Stato, Florence, Magistrato dei Pupilli del Principato, 2709, 3v-10v, "Inventario di Stefano Rosselli e compagni spetiali" (September 20, 1570).

84. Shaw and Welch, Making and Marketing (n. 6).

85. Ibid., 237–52.

86. Compare the stability between the 1297 and 1565 statutes of the Apothecaries of Venice. Ugo Stefanutti, Documentazioni cronologicheper la storia della medicina, chirurgia e farmacia a Venezia dal 1258 al1332 (Venice: Ongania, 1961), 43–48; Biblioteca Museo Correr, Venice, MS Cl.IV, 209/1, "Mariegola dei Spicieri," Ordini e capitoli, 29r.

87. Evelyn Welch, Shopping in the Renaissance: Consumer Cultures in Italy, 1400—1600 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2005).

88. Calestani (n. 17), 42.

89. The Guild of Physicians and Apothecaries of Florence, Ricettario Fiorentino (Florence, 1574), 59.

90. Costa (n. 17), 39v.

91. Borgarucci (n. 17), 46, 26.

92. Luigi Anguillara, Semplicipareri (Venice, 1561), 21.

93. Ricettario (n. 89), 72.

94. Melichio (n. 17), 16r.

95. See Wallis, "Medicines for London" (n. 6), chap. 7.

96. Lionel Trilling, Sincerity and Authenticity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), 12–13.

97. It often features in revised editions of medieval manuals, like the second Ricettario (n. 87 [1550]), e.g., 50–51, 52, 74.

98. Giovanni A. Lodetto, Dialogo de gl'inganni d'alcuni malvagi speciali (Padua, 1626 [1572]), 22.

99. McVaugh, Arnaldi (n. 52), 31–136.

100. Present in Galen, this approach had receded in medieval literature (De Vos, "Prince of Medicine" [n. 31], 691–94).

101. Santini (n. 19), a2v.

102. Calestani (n. 17), [viiir-xviiv].

103. Michael R. McVaugh, "The Experimenta of Arnald of Villanova," J. Mediev. Renaiss. Stud. 1, no. 1 (1971): 107–17.

104. Particularly evident in the genre of health regimens. Sandra Cavallo and Tessa Storey, Healthy Living in Late Renaissance Italy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 31–32.

105. Gentilcore, Medical Charlatanism (n. 2).

106. Ogilvie, Science of Describing (n. 13), 30–49.

107. Costa (n. 17), 51r.

108. Pugliano, "Botanical Artisans" (n. 6); Florike Egmond, "Apothecaries as Experts and Brokers in the Sixteenth-Century Network of the Naturalist Carolus Clusius," Hist. Universities 23 (2008): 59–91.

109. Pugliano, "Simple Alchemy" (n. 66).

110. Ricettario (n. 89), 14, 73, 129,

111. Borgarucci (n. 17), 872.

112. See McVaugh's contribution to this issue: "Determining a Drug's Properties: Medieval Experimental Protocols," 183–209.

113. Ricettario (n. 89), 53, 59, 74.

114. Antonio Bertioli, Idea theriacae (Mantua, 1602), 53–4; Idem, Breue auuiso del vero balsamo, theriaca, et mithridato (Mantua, 1596), 59–60.

115. Biblioteca Universitaria Bologna (BUB), Adrovandi MS 136/v, 226v-227r, "Apud Dominum Marcum Fenarium Pharmacopolam."

116. Mario Cermenati, ed., Francesco Calzolari da Verona e le sue lettere ad Ulisse Aldrovandi (Rome, 1910), 39 (Calzolari to Aldrovandi, January 18, 1568).

117. Giovanni Pona, Index multarum rerum quae repositorio suo adservantur (Verona, 1601).

118. Giovanni Pona, Monte Baldo descritto (Venice, 1617), 8–9.

119. Pietro Andrea Mattioli, Discorsi nei sei libri di Pedacio Dioscoride Anazarbeo della materia medicinale (Venice, 1559), 390.

120. On the challenges of finding a common language to describe the sensory qualities of naturalia, see Valentina Pugliano, "Ulisse Aldrovandi's Color Sensibility: Natural History, Language and the Lay Color Practices of Renaissance Virtuosi," Early Sci. Med. 20 (2015): 358–96.

121. I explore this further in "Fake Specimens in the Renaissance" in The Matter of Mimesis, ed. M. Bol and E. C. Spary (forthcoming).

122. Tommaso Garzoni, La piazza universale di tutte leprofessioni del mondo (Venice, 1587).

123. John Martin, "Inventing Sincerity, Refashioning Prudence: The Discovery of the Individual in Renaissance Europe," Amer. Hist. Rev. 102, no. 5 (1997): 1309–42.

124. John Martin, Myths of Renaissance Individualism (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 103–22; Perez Zagorin, Ways ofLying: Dissimulation, Persecution, and Conformity in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990).

125. Valentin Groebner, Who Are You? Identification, Deception, and Surveillance in Early Modern Europe (New York: Zone Books, 2007).

126. BUB, Aldrovandi MS 136/v, 181r.

127. Trilling, Sincerity (n. 96), 2.

128. Melichio (n. 17), b1r. The connection between the craftsman's spirituality and morality and his craft had its roots in the medieval guild, which presented itself as a confraternity of brethren that, through charity and quasi-religious ceremonials, shared common spiritual ideals and a grander purpose (Steven A. Epstein, Wage Labour and Guilds in Medieval Europe [Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991], 155–59).

129. Craig Muldrew, The Economy of Obligation: The Culture of Credit and Social Relations in Early Modern England (New York: St. Martin's, 1998), chaps. 5–6.

130. Winfried Schleiner, Medical Ethics in the Renaissance (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1995), 5–48.

131. George W. McClure, "Healing Eloquence: Petrarch, Salutati, and the Physicians," J. Mediev. Renaiss. Stud. 15, no. 2 (1985): 317–46.

132. Nancy S. Struever, Rhetoric, Modality, Modernity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 3.

133. Ermolao Barbaro, Castigationes Plinianae (Rome, 1492), Lib. 34, chap. 8.

134. Nicolaus Leonicenus, De Plinii et aliorum medicorum erroribus (Ferrara, 1508), 54.

135. Alain Touwaide, "Quidpro Quo: Revisiting the Practice of Substitution in Ancient Pharmacy," in Herbs and Healers from the Ancient Mediterranean through the Medieval West, ed. Anne van Arsdall and Timothy Graham (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012), 19–61.

136. See Euricius Cordus, Botanologicon (Cologne, 1534), 138 ("Oportet nos tabernas nostras non vacuis, sed si non vera faltem succedania plenis pixidibus instruere").

137. Mattioli, Discorsi (n. 119), 43.

138. Ogilvie, Science of Describing (n. 13), 28–37.

139. Cermenati, Francesco Calzolari (n. 116), 35 (Calzolari to Aldrovandi, February 6, 1561).

140. BUB, Aldrovandi MS 38/ii-iii, 219r (Fregoso to Aldrovandi, August 26, 1558).

141. See Anguillara, Semplicipareri (n. 92), 62 ("vero hebeno"), 111 ("vero rabarbaro"), 122 ("vero petroselino degli antichi").

142. Mattioli's first Latin edition of Dioscorides's materia medica, the Commentarii (Venice, 1554) makes occasional use of legitimus in the sense of "authentic." Its occurrence doubles in the 1559 edition. Legitimo features more sporadically in the illustrated vernacular Discorsi (Venice, 1557), but by the 1573 edition the full range of terms, particularly vero, is in operation.

143. See Antonio Donati, Trattato de'semplici, pietre epesci marini che nascono nel lito di Venetia (Venice, 1631), 38 ("vero aspalato"), 47 ("vero Empetro di Dioscoride"), 62 ("vero Musco").

144. Valentina Pugliano, "Botanici e artigiani a Venezia: i (pochi) amici di Carolus Clusius," Yearbook for European Culture of Science 6 (2011): 69–93.0

145. Ricettario (n. 89), 17, 126.

146. Palmer, "Pharmacy" (n. 55).

148. Christiane Nockels-Fabbri, "Treating Medieval Plague: The Wonderful Virtues of Theriac," Early Sci. Med. 12, no. 3 (2007): 247–83.

149. Francesco Calzolari, Lettera intorno ad alcune menzogne & calonnie date alla sua Theriaca da certo Scalcina Perugino (Cremona, 1566). For the physicians' perspective, see Bartolomeo Maranta, Della theriaca et mithridato libri duo (Venice, 1572), 34; Friar Evangelista Quattrami, Tractatus perutilis atque necessarius ad Theriacam. Mithridaticamque antidotum componendam (Ferrara, 1597), 5.

150. Ricettario (n. 89), 18.

151. Ibid., 123–26.

152. ASVe, Giustizia Vecchia, b. 211, "Spezieri," printed sheets of recipes.

153. See Cermenati, Francesco Calzolari (n. 116), 34 (Calzolari to Aldrovandi, November 23, 1559).

154. See Maranta, Della theriaca (n. 149), 142–48; Nockels-Fabbri, "Treating Medieval Plague" (n. 148).

155. Avicenna and Mesue were the main conduit for Galenic thought on Theriac before the publication of Galen's De Theriaca ad Pisonem and De Theriaca ad Pamphilium in the 1530s, which together with Galen's De Antidotis became new reference texts. These circulated also in commentaries like Maranta's De theriaca et mithridato libri duo (Venice, 1572) and Orazio Guarguante's Della Theriaca et sue mirabili virtu operetta (appended to Melichio [n. 17]).

156. G. G. Manlio, Luminare maggiore (Venice, 1559), 80v-81r.

157. Alessandro Pastore, "Il trattato De venenis e la tradizione tossicologica del suo tempo," in Girolamo Mercuriale: Medicina e cultura nell'Europa del Cinquecento, ed. Alessandro Arcangeli and Vivian Nutton (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2008), 233–46. See also Rankin's contribution to this issue: "On Anecdote and Antidotes: Poison Trials in Sixteenth-Century Europe," 274–302.

158. The apothecaries' testing of the few poisonous substances they had been allowed to retail since the thirteenth century (e.g., chanterelle mushrooms, opium, sublimate, and arsenic) seems, by the sixteenth century, to have been infrequent. Similarly, although the botanical renaissance raised concerns over fatal mistakes in the identification of new and old ingredients, trials of disambiguation (usually by feeding such ingredients to dogs) were not systematic. Instead, they seem to have involved primarily apothecaries like Calzolari already fully invested in the study of nature, and to have crystallized around a few problematic items debated in the new literature on res herbaria, notably poison nut (nux vomica), doronicum, and aconitum. See Cermenati, Francesco Calzolari (n. 116), 59 (Calzolari to Aldrovandi [1595–96?]); Borgarucci (n. 17), 400.

159. They feature only in Calestani (n. 17), 91ff.

160. Giuseppe Olmi, "Farmacopea antica e medicina moderna. La disputa sulla teriaca nel Cinquecento bolognese," Physis 19 (1977): 198–246.

161. Enrica Stendardo, Ferrante Imperato: Collezionismo e studio della natura a Napoli tra Cinque e Seicento (Naples: Accademia Pontaniana, 2001), 134–36.

162. Gentilcore, Medical Charlatanism (n. 2), 174.

163. Vendramino Menegacci, La Theriaca et il Mithridato composti in Vicenza (Vicenza, 1587), A2v; Giovanni Cardullo, Theriaca d'Andromaco compostapubblicamente in Messina (Messina, 1637), 8–9; Marianne Stössl, "Lo spettacolo della Triaca. Produzione e promozione della 'droga divina' a Venezia dal Cinque al Settecento," Quaderni Centro Tedesco Studi Veneziani 25 (1983): 4–47.

164. Cermenati, Francesco Calzolari (n. 116), 39 (Calzolari to Aldrovandi, January 18, 1568).

165. Mario Biagioli, "From Print to Patents: Living on Instruments in Early Modern Europe," Hist. Sci. 44 (2006): 139–86.

166. Menegacci, La Theriaca (n. 163); Francesco Sartorio, Discorso sopra la compositions della triaca da lui composta in Bologna a 15 agosto 1612 (Bologna, 1613); Cardullo, Theriaca (n. 162). See the Online Appendix: http://muse.jhu.edu/resolve/19.

167. Richard Serjeantson, "Proof and Persuasion," in The Cambridge History of Science, vol. 3, ed. Lorraine Daston and Katharine Park (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 132–76.

Which statement about the practice of medicine during the 17th century is true?

Was an eighteenth century movement that celebrated human reason and scientific inquiry?

Which statement best describes life expectancy and marriage in the seventeenth century Chesapeake?

What was true about female indentured servants?